Who’s Going to Tell Montenegrin Leader to Put Away the Razor?

 

 

 

It has been exciting, many say - historic several weeks in Montenegro, following the tense elections campaign in this tiny Adriatic country and even more so, after official result came in, indicating that coalition of opposition parties has won the majority of the seats in the future Parliament. 

After more than thirty years of undisputed rule of country incumbent President, Milo Djukanovic’ and his Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS), Montenegro is set for a political change, the first one after country gained independence in 2006, and even further back in history since bloody breakup of Yugoslavia in 1990ties. 

But it is still unclear if the ruling party and its undisputed leader, will be persuaded to hand over the power in democratic fashion.  

Despite numerous and documented examples of the irregularities in the election process, mainly on account of misuse of institutional power by the ruling DPS, which have after three decades in power became business as usual, and a clear majority for opposition, confirmed by the Independent election observers, DPS leader is still reluctant to think of retirement. 

Instead, his party is calling its supporters to a protest meeting in the Capital Podgorica, scheduled for 6th of September, only seven days after elections polls closed, and before mandate for the new Prime Minister is given to the winner of the elections. 

Simultaneously, acts of vandalism of unknown perpetrators towards Muslim religious sights have been reported in the town of Pljevlja in the northern, ethnically mixed part of the country. 

And although it was instantly denounced by the opposition leaders, who visited Pljevlja on the next day after the incident in order to denounce the violence, in the state controlled media incident was used to steer the feeling of uncertainty, blaming the opposition bloc for the religious intolerance. Opposition, in their own account, read Djukanovic’s security forces handwriting in the incident.

And it has been exactly the argument of religious intolerance that has helped Milo Djukanovic nicknamed The Razor for his talent in swift, sometimes brutal decision making, to gain support in the West, and stay in power for more than three decades, while also keeping the Montenegrin society locked in the power grip of his party infrastructure that became to identify itself with the state itself. While Djukanovic was in 2015 named the Man of the Year by the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP), with numerous accusations of organized crime and cronyism, he remained the "only game in town" for EU and US decision makers. This is to remain so, for the decades to come even though journalists from both Montenegro and neighbouring countries who investigated Djukanovic business sometimes ended up as victims of assassinations, and he remained loyal to his old recipe that never has failed him. Until now, that is.

Truth be told, Djukanovic is not your one-dimensional leader, or dictator if you will. His breakup with Milosevic back in 1997, provided safe heaven and support to Serbian opposition that finally succeeded in overthrowing Belgrade regime, three years later. 

In the same time, Djukanovic declined demand of International Hague Tribunal persecution to testify against his former political mentor and even provided financial support to Milosevic’s legal defense team. In personal conversations, Djukanovic even stated admiration to Milosevic political talent, with only one remark: "He did not know when to stop.” 

Montenegrin strongman also created relatively multi-ethnic civil society in which all Montenegrin nations could prosper, or all but one, that is. 

Maybe due to his own political baggage, of fiery initial support for the Milosevic led wars in the 1990ties, Djukanovic made sure that Serbian community in Montenegro was ousted from virtually all state institutions and decision making processes. It all culminated with his recent decision to create new Montenegrin church that could replace Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC) in Montenegro, which by many observers led to current election result. But resistance of SOC was not the only reason why “the impossible” happened in Montenegro - for Djukanovic to lose the elections he himself organized.        

This is because latest election process delivered an even bigger surprise than its formal result. It gave national attention to two young opposition leaders, born in the time of dissolution of Socialist republic of Yugoslavia: 

Aleksa Becic president of center-left coalition Peace is our Nation and Dritan Abazovic, president of liberal United Reform Action (URA) representing the new generation of politicians in Montenegro, destined to change nationalistic narrative that has for decades dominated the political agenda in the Balkans. 

Their main agenda is fight against corruption and organized crime, another undesirable achievement of Djukanovic regime. And even more important is their idea to do it together, being Montenegrins, Albanians, Bosnians or Serbs, who consist at least one third of the Country’s population.  

By introducing the future government of experts two young leaders have both, in their own authentic way demonstrated an new understanding of politics in which nation and party membership are not the only credential of political actors. This new kind of politics, is not associated with corruption and privilege of the ruling elite. They both represent a breath of fresh air into society that became hijacked by one political party and one man leading it many years ago.

This is why EU and Brussels decision makers must at least acknowledge this organic progress of the Montenegrin society if not actively support it. It well deserves a spotlight, but also stronger amount of trust. And last but not least, someone should tell Montenegrin longtime leader it is time to put away the Razor. To have more trust in his own countryman, especially those almost twice younger than he is now, and respect their vision of the country they all love, in which all the nations have equal rights. To put an end to stigma over one whole community, due to the tragedy of Yugoslav wars, in which he took active part, not his current political opponents. It is also the only way for him to stay true to the progressive vision he once propagated when he came to power 32 years ago, and escape the destiny of his political mentor.

In simple words, it is important to know when to stop.

  

 

 

 

 

 

THE GAME: RIVERS OF PEOPLE AND FLOW OF CAPITAL

Behind the two 20 store buildings under construction in downtown Belgrade - the first features of future upscale residential and shopping quarter, and between the heaps of rubble left from demolished old warehouses, one most unusual game of Cricket is taking place.

It is played by a dozen young Afghan man and boys on the bank of Sava River, pausing in Serbian capital on their “long march” to EU and a new, better life.

Less then a kilometer downstream and under the walls of old Kalemegdan Fortress, Sava will meet with Danube making one of Belgrade’s most recognizable landmarks. But here, the story is about two somewhat different rivers which only rarely meet.

One is the flow of Capital, the other of People.

Their “odd confluence” is at the construction site of Belgrade Waterfront, an urban renewal development project lead by Serbian Government and Eagle Hills, an Abu Dhabi investment and Construction Company. With planed total investment of 3.9 billion Euro it is to be a new modern quarter consisted of shopping malls, business and residential areas, new 40 store Belgrade Tower and other steel and glass giants which are to change city skyline forever.


Similar to all Balkan countries, Serbia is in desperate need for investment and urban renewal, but this Dubai style intervention in the public space was not exactly what everybody was hoping for. Especially not in Sava-mala quarter which has over the past years become hub for artists and creative community gathered around multidisciplinary cultural platform - Mixer House.

Making its start here, Belgrade Waterfront project has drawn criticism since its beginning in 2012 mainly for the disregard of architectural context and urban heritage, lack of planning and infrastructural solutions, and last but not least for being thought of as a future “city for the rich”.
With average salary barely surpassing 380 Euro it is not likely that many Belgraders will live in the future exclusive quarter.

Spontaneous protests triggered the large demonstrations, and consequently ignited a popular social movement opposing Belgrade Waterfront project. Only last week some 10.000 Belgraders gathered in protest in Savamala. But the construction goes on, and so does our game of Cricket.

Shouts and cheers pierce the air of a bright, spring day making both players and local’s loose sight of surreal surroundings, and just enjoy the game while loaded mixer trucks pass by, feeding the ever hungry concrete pumps. The improvised Cricket pitch is located between few barracks which are left un-demolished. Messages: “Open the borders… Help us… We need food…” are written on them. It seems that the distraction from the rough reality is the essential motive for participation.

One of the boys explains that they made bets themselves from planks they’ve found on the nearby construction site: “I love Cricket, and I am good at it. Taliban’s tortured and beat up people who practiced it, or even just have equipment for it.”
Almost all of these men have their own story of brutality they have been exposed to at home, or on their voyages which often last a whole year. Hungarian border police is particularly notorious in this respect for using the attack dogs to prevent the illegal border crossing.

Pitch resembles the pictures of war torn cities in Syria or Afghanistan, while only few hundred meters further, behind the glossy pictures of happy families and fancy shops, the future Sava promenade is slowly taking its shape, with new bars and restaurants opening, youth driving on bicycles or roller blades.
Some of young Afghan men go to the promenade, but they remain “invisible.”

It is the world they do not belong to, not yet at least. For some of them, it is exactly Cricket that might help them in bridging this divide.

“We have provided some very basic equipment, for some of the facilities, and the next step is to send our coaches the refugee camps to practice with them, and maybe even scout for some talents,” speaks Vladimir Ninkovic of Cricket Association of Serbia.

Their organization is taking part in UNHCR program, supporting integration of refugees to local communities.

“Basic idea is to cover all 17 camps with at least bats, balls and stumps, so they can practice on their own. Some of them have real talent, and we are willing to help those who have applied for asylum in Serbia to integrate here through sports, by introducing them as players in our clubs.”

One of this man that need help is Noor Sheerzad, a 32 years old father of three and a former policeman from Jalalabad, and a new bowler of Mirijevo Cricket Club.

He speaks of today’s Afghanistan as a “very dark place” particularly difficult for those who try to resist the power of Mafia, Taliban, or ISIS network, as their families are often targeted.

“I did not want for my children to be hurt because of the job I do. With me gone they are safer. Drug Mafia is stronger than the Afghan state. They are so self assured that they often come to downtown area in Kabul, gun down state officials, policeman or soldiers, and then calmly drive away. They feel no urge to even get away in a hurry. It is the usual business for them. Last Friday some 200 soldiers were killed in single attack. We are people, not chicken… ”

Noor is active in Mixaliste, an offshoot project of Mixer House, which provides help for refugees who do not want to go to the refugee centers. He works there as translator.
In Afghanistan he was involved in training new policeman and fighting drug trafficking, but here in Serbia, he will play Cricket.
For start at least, as his ambitions go further.

“Cricket is the most popular sports in Afghanistan today, I used to play it on the street as a kid, in school team and then at the Police Academy. I will tell you a secret, I think I am better in volleyball as I am so tall, but I love Cricket also.”

Sports is not Noor’s top priority, as he often refers to some higher goals, and his eyes glow with a certain spiritual quality when he speaks about his desire to effect change in the world.
His role model is Gandhi:

“The most important thing is to be honest to each other, have an open mind, and be willing to stand up and create the change. I want to make the network of mutual support. In it everyone would be helping three other people, disregarding religion, nationality, race and any other division. And so, the good energy will spread. We all need peace. I need it for myself, but also to share it with others.” 

Noor is stationed in former military barracks in Obrenovac, together with some 1040 man, mostly from Afghanistan, but also Pakistan, Iraq, Syria, and Northern Africa, making this camp among the biggest in Serbia.
Here, things are much better than at barracks next to bus station in Belgrade, there is food, basic hygiene conditions, but still most of the men want to leave.
With spring coming efforts in illegal border crossing will intensify, and Germany is still by far the most expensive word in vocabulary of camp residents:

“We know they do not want to stay here, they dream of European Union, and sometimes they even tell us about their plans, but there is nothing we can do. This is open camp, they can leave whenever they want, speaks Marko one of the staff members.
“Pray for me, they say. I don’t support their action in any way, but do understand them. They haven’t crossed half of the world to stay here.”

Among the refugees these attempts are called The Game, as the percentage of success these days, is similar to that of lottery.

But two complete sets of Cricket equipment, a donation of Taiwanese Tzu Chi Foundation, and two professional trainers from Serbian Cricket Federation help them set their mind on the different game. The one they love, and which makes them feel at home.

There is a almost constant smile on Hussein Khan Malik’s face, no matter if he stands behind batsman and Wicket, holding a bet himself, or bowling with a characteristically arm swing.

“I am all-rounder, I can play all positions” he says few minutes later, after he takes a post in the field.

Hussein is 20, but looks quite a bit older, as all of these men do.

“Germany is starting a Cricket league; they can take on anyone now. They have some of the best players. Like I am,” he says with a grin.
Hussein likes English clubs best but learning that he could play for some local teams in Serbia, makes his attentions shift. After the match is over he talks to one of the Serbian trainers. His team was victorious in today’s game, but as many of his compatriots, Hussein realizes that, as time passes, the other, bigger game is getting harder and harder, almost impossible to win.

Meanwhile, in Savamala, some more of the barracks used by refugees have been destroyed and bulldozer is digging in the place where the improvised Cricket pitch was only yesterday.
Next morning players are nowhere to be found and the boundary between the construction site and refugee barracks is pushed further still.

This is the spot where Belgrade Tower a 160 meters high skyscraper will rise. But even some of the Savamala long time residents are leaving the Quarter also.
Mixer House recently announced they are moving out, at least temporarily: “Owners of the space we rent for Mixer House have demanded that we close our aid center for refugees,” speaks Ivan Lalic, director of Mixer House, explaining his team decision to move their activities to Sarajevo.
“These people have gained on the cultural capital and international reputation we have created here, and now they want us out. We will be back in Belgrade some day, on different location, but with same spirit.” Lalic said their Aid center in Savamala will keep its door open, regardless what the obstacles they may come.

During the past two years over 150 000 refugees from Afghanistan, Syria, Iraq and other countries have been helped in Mixaliste, whose work has been supported by some 1,300 domestic and international volunteers. It remains there as the a link, a temporary connection between the flows of People and Capital whose strict separation in today’s World, still represents essential feature of the Globalization as we know it.

Sarajevo, plan grada

Ukoliko, kao ja, na svoju sramotu, niste bili u Sarajevu i ako vas ne uplasi 460 i kusur stranica Jergovicevog novog romana SARAJEVO PLAN GRADA i skupite 20tak evra, pred vama je, istinsko uzivanje u intimnom,literarnom i emotivnom oprostaju jednog pisca sa rodnim gradom. Kada završite sa čitanjem, vaš odnos sa Sarajevom neće se naravno bitno izmeniti ali ćete zato saznati nešto novo o sebi. Posle te duge šetnje Sarajevskim ulicama i vremenima osetićete da vam je nešto dato a da to nije samo hrpa istorijskih činjenica o gradu koji je bio Jugoslavija u malom.
Priča je dakle o nama, o Balkanu i balkanskom mentalitetu.

Postoji ta studija o dečijim odnosno naivnim crtežima o tome kako ta "nezrela" predstava stvara tenziju u oku posmatrača. Verujem da nije slučajno odabrana jer je I naracija na neki način vođena iz sadašnjosti ali i iz piščevog detinjstva, ali tu nema pastorale i naïve. To je pogled odraslog deteta koje i dalje oseća sve što može dete ali i zna sve što može čovek u zrelim godinama. Znate to kada čitate Jergovića ili kada sa njim razgovarate.

Rec je uistinu o vrhunskom možda najvećem balkanskom pripovedaču, koji nema problem sa time da ispriča bilo koju priču, da je izvede iz bilo kog makar i najmanjeg osnova. Sarajevo, plan grada nije klasičan roman čiji se tekst pretapa u neprebrojivim nivoima značenja, već više zbirka kratkih pripovedaka i skica za pripovetke i novele. Čita se lako i sa radošću, iako njegova intonacija i atmosfera nije svečana niti radosna. To je priča o gradu koga vise nema i ljudima koji su iz njega nestali. Pisac ne želi da oni budu zaboravljeni.
Zapravo Jergovic je hronicar i njegova najduža, ako ne i najvažnija borba je ona protiv zaborava. U svojim secanjima na grad, koji je "pun nestalih ljudi, imena a pomalo i nestalih naroda," kojih kako kaže više nema "i neće se vratiti," on nije ni previse sentimentalan niti pristrasan. Jergović pise istinu, tačka.
Njegova je misao nesputana, rečenice minuciozno izvedene, a jezik bogat, bas kao i sećanje.
To je roman o ulicama i njihovim imenima, o prošlim vremenima, ali najpre o ljudima, onima kojih više nema i koji su živi samo u piscevom sećanju, o njihovim sudbinama, pregnucima, zabludama i uverenjima.

Iako je od samog početka čitaocu jasno da neće biti jedinstva radnje sem one geografske, kroz lično ispovedno iskustvo koga se pisac dotiče obraćajući se sebi u drugom licu jednine, njegova naracija nas savršeno lako vodi kroz sve te likove i njihove sudbine. Čak i kada tekst uključuje pomalo suvišne spiskove ličnih imena i adresa. Oprostićete mu to jer Jergovic se čita lako, iako to nije laka literatura i ona će vas dotaći na način svojstven istini, makar i ako vam se kao meni dogodi da dok čitate jednu od Sarajevskih urbanih legendi iz "zone sumraka" pod nazivom Bursa na kolo, u stan kroz otvorena vrata sat vremena pre ponoci upadne čovek koga ne poznajete i sedne za sto, blago škriputajuci zubima.
Tako vam je to sa istinom, ume da bude jako neprijatna, ali je svakako oslobađajuća.

Naravno ni ovaj rastanak sa Sarajevom neće biti bezbolan kao što rastanci nikada i nisu. Ipak, vrlo je izvesno da ova knjiga neće biti dobro prihvaćena u gradu kome je posvećena.
Jergović je jetak, čak i nemilosrdan kada treba govoriti o onome što ni jednom Sarajliji nije ugodno čuti, ali on na to ima pravo, jer to je reč o njegovom životnom iskustvu, detinjstvu i mladosti, sa kojom se takođe na neki način oprasta, bez dodatog šećera, kao besmrtni Arsen Dedic u svojoj možda najpoznatijoj baladi.

Naravno gotovo ce neizbezne biti i paralele sa Andricem i njegovom navodnom "ljutnjom" na Sarajevo i Bosnu. Naravno da ce u Jergovicevom bas kao i u prethodnom slucaju te paralele biti promašene. Bez namere da ga pravdam (što mu i nije potrebno) reći ću samo da Jergovic i ne govori sa pozicije nacionalnog radnika, iako zna ko je, već kao slobodan čoveka i u svrhu civilizacijskog dijaloga, malo višeg reda značenja od onog malogradjanskog i  interesnog koji vizijom dopire do sledećeg ručka.

Čitati Jergovića znaci uživati u susretu sa starim prijateljem, nekim bliskim posle koga ćete vam nešto biti dato.
Zato ga i mrze nacionalno svesne spodobe, svrzimantije i dobrovoljni davaoci tudje krvi, svih boja. Zbog tog njegovog dečačkog osmeha, oštrog oka i istine koju govori.

Dusko nema prijatelja

Moze se reci da su razlozi koji su me opredelili da u Zvezdara Teatru pogledam predstavu Rodjendan gospodina Nusica, licni i sentimentalni, jer valjda svi koji su ikada nogom krocili u pozoriste znaju da Dusan Kovacevic jos od pada Berlinskog zida nije napisao pristojan dramski tekst. Stara je i tuzna beogradska prica da je ovaj najvazniji zivi a verovatno i jedan od najvecih modernih srpskih dramskih pisaca u dubokoj i dugotrajnoj autorskoj krizi vec decenijama i to samo po sebi nije nikakav problem.
Problem je to sto on uporno iz godine u godinu, proizvodi i postavlja na scenu Zvezdara Teatra niz objektivno katastrofalnih tekstova. Ovaj je svakako jedan od najgorih do sada.
To njegovo blamiranje i rasprodaju kredibiliteta sa mukom nose glumci ovog teatra, jedva se boreći sa praznim recenicama i Bradicevom labavom rezijom. Vidi se to jos od prvih replika.
Najtuznije od svega je zapravo to stalno Kovacevicevo lamentiranje i skanjivanje nad samim sobom. Naaaaravno On je danasnji Branislav Nusic kome eto nema ko da proslavi rodjendan. Pre toga bio je Sterija...
 Kako i prilici Branislav - Lecic (igra Nusica) prava je karikatura samog sebe, sto je takodje dugogodisnji kontinuitet

Utisak malo popravlja Dragan Petrovic, sto uz psovke Tamare Dragicevic ne menja stvar ali pomaze da publika ne zaspi ili napusti salu pre kraja. Sve je to samo jedna velika tragikomedija u kojoj kao svom suverenom zanru briljira covek koji se vec toliko dugo sali na svoj i nas racun.
Nova Kovaceviceva predstava ceka nas vec iduceg meseca. Verovatno najbolja, koja ce sve to lose da pokrije, ili mozda nece?
Kazu, ni jedan kockar se nije ukopao zato sto je mnogo gubio nego zato sto se vadio. Takodje kockari nemaju prijatelja koji bi im rekli da se samounistavaju u nameri da prevare ceo svet. Nema ni nas Dusko.

White Duke - Black Star

Ucestvujmo u zabavi

Vise od decenije bespomocno svedocimo trend razaranja jedinstvene lepote bliskoistocnih gradova, prvo Bagdada, Damaska, Alepa, sada Palmire.

Uspesno se, iako malo drugacije, razvaljuje i po Beogradu i drugim istocno evropskim gradovima. 

Rusenje traje u arhitekturi ali i javnom govoru. Estetsko i eticko su jedno. Dominantna premisa je da sve sto vidimo jeste vec vidjeno, prepoznato iako nije shvaceno, pezorativno, zovijalno i polusvareno. Taj diskurs zapocinje sa sledecom temeljnom paradigmom: Sve je moguce, i nista nije istina.

Odnosno, sve sto je vazno i lepo zapravo je trivijalno i ruzno. Javnost je svuda, uzasno je povrsna i glupa a Mi, mi smo isti kao ona. Osudjeni na blamazu ucestvovanja u "javnom mnjenju" koje kao da sistemski na smrt osudjuje svaku lepotu, a sa njom i istinu. To je kazu sve posledica, nusefekat postmoderne – nema istine, nema lazi, nema lepo i ruzno, sve ide, sve je jednako dobro. Nema izuzentno, vrhunski, autorski, suptilno... Ima: sve zajedno, odjednom, pomesano, neznalacki, za sve ukuse...ali zaista za sve.

Ipak oni koji cmizdre nad starom lepotom i istinom, mozda treba da se utese. Mozda treba da slavimo, da na svoj nacin ucestvujemo u toj divljoj zabavi rusenja. Mozda bas tako treba, da sve nestane da bi nesto novo moglo da pocne. Od pocetka

Dobrodošlica Balkan style

Jedan od specijaiteta Balkana svakako predstavlja i način na koji ti poželi dobrodošlicu. Na beogradskom aerodromu posle duge šetnje kroz ogroman i pust prostor namenjen preuzimanju prtljaga i carini, bivate izručeni direktno u krkljanac i gužvu u kojoj zajedno sa dragim osobama koje te čekaju ili koje ti čekaš uvek stoje i oni: Dobro uhranjeni, krupni i agresivni muškarci sa rukama u džepovima koji žele da otmu par desetina ili stotina evra za vožnju do grada. Jedni stisnuti pored drugih, jer takva su balkanska pravila.
Pokazalo se da je više od dve i po decenije, odnosno od raspada SFRJ, država potpuno nesposobna da ih ukloni odatle.

- Ovi divljaci su i dalje tu? - pitam čoveka u uniformi aerodromskog obezbeđenja, i odmah se kajem zbog toga, jer bez tog odela on se savršeno uklapa u profil taksiste - ubice.
- Znaš, oni ne krše nikakav zakon, u stvari nema zakona po kom im može da se zabrani da stoje tu, - odgovara tip.

Sve jasno. Dobro uhranjene siledžije su ovde dominantan i prihvaćen kulturni model, baš kao i korupcija. Odnosno korupcija jeste sistem. Posle carine ide odmah pljačka, nema međuprostora, baš kao što se od pokretnih vrata pređe još svega par koraka do izlaska iz aerodromske zgrade, tako da imaš svega nekoliko metara u klaustrofobično niskom holu, da prepoznaš ili da tebe prepoznaju pre nego što nastupe ajkule.

Mislim da je pogrešno tražiti da se uklone siledžije. To je zaista preveliki zadatak, za ovaj stadijum razvoja državne uprave. Mislim da bi za početak bilo sasvim dovoljno da samo produže taj hodnik u kome se prepoznaju oni koji dolaze i oni koji odlaze.

Dajte malo više od tih par teskobnih metara, pod rešetkom kao u garaži parking servisa
.
Znate ono, kao u filmovima, pedesetak metara dugačak, svetao i čist hodnik, ljudi hodaju sa koferima i gledaju sa jedne strane neke lepe slike, a sa druge lica rodbine, prijatelja i poslovnih partnera, koji mašu, pa onda neko upozorenje pa tek onda, na kraju razbojnici.